Editorial: Another round of apps ban
One more round of ban on Chinese mobile apps has just been announced, citing security threats. The trend had started soon after the Galwan Valley clash and continued amid the growing tensions between the two countries. The question is whether the moves have resulted in giving a push to home-grown technology companies. The irony is […]
One more round of ban on Chinese mobile apps has just been announced, citing security threats. The trend had started soon after the Galwan Valley clash and continued amid the growing tensions between the two countries. The question is whether the moves have resulted in giving a push to home-grown technology companies. The irony is that the Chinese presence is still all-pervasive, from financial services to entertainment and gaming. The latest order, under the emergency provisions of Section 69 (A) of the Information Technology Act, has blocked 54 apps that are either a cloned version or have similar functionality, privacy issues and security threats as alleged in previously blocked 267 apps by the Centre in 2020. The Home Ministry has pointed out that these banned apps obtain various critical permissions and collect sensitive user data. This real-time data is being misused and transmitted to servers located in the hostile country, enabling them to compile huge personal data to mine, collate and profile by the elements who are inimical to the sovereignty of India and for activities detrimental to national security. There are also concerns as some of these apps can carry out espionage and surveillance activities via camera and location (GPS) and do malicious network activity. However, merely banning foreign apps will not solve the problem. There is a need for a robust technology policy and a regulatory regime to nurture a favourable ecosystem for domestic startups to thrive. The frequent bans serve as a signal of intent by New Delhi that tensions along the boundary would impact other areas of the India-China relationship.
If the decision to ban Chinese apps has to have a long-term, then it is imperative that the Centre prioritises key regulatory issues at home. For instance, it is important to come up with clear definitions about what constitutes critical personal data and rules with regard to storage and access. This will ensure that market players have regulatory clarity and procedural certainty in order to operate with confidence. It also eliminates adhocism in decision-making by setting governance standards, which is critical if India has to engage in shaping global digital rules. The debate has been going on in India for years about pushing back against Chinese firms in the market in different ways, with a particular focus on digital goods. It is, however, paradoxical that despite all the diplomatic posturing, India remains heavily dependent on imports from China. India’s trade deficit with the neighbour rose to $69.4 billion in 2021, up from $45.9 billion in 2020 and $56.8 billion in 2019. The country’s bilateral trade with China grew 44% last year as imports shot up by a record 46%. Even as Atmanirbharta remains a bridge too far, New Delhi must explore viable, long-term options to reduce its overdependence on Beijing.
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