A one-size-fits-all approach will not work as the main causes of extremism are distinctively different from region to region
By Geetartha Pathak
Twenty Maoists, including a senior leader carrying a Rs 1 crore bounty, were killed in an encounter with security forces in Chhattisgarh’s Gariaband district on January 20 with Union Home Minister Amit Shah calling the operation a “major success”. Earlier, the Home Minister had vowed to eradicate “naxalism out of the country by March 2026”.
His statement came in response to the attack in Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh, where nine District Reserve Guard (DRG) personnel lost their lives in an IED blast carried out by naxals. He reiterated that the Modi government would wipe out the Maoist insurgency on the same lines as it dealt a severe blow to terrorism in Jammu & Kashmir and various insurgent movements in the Northeast.
Thriving Insurgency
Notwithstanding the recent successful operation against Maoists in Chhattisgarh by the security forces and whether the Modi government will be able to wipe out Maoist insurgency by 2026, the fact, however, is that insurgency in J&K and the Northeast is not only active, it is also thriving in different degrees.
In ethnic violence-ridden Manipur, the entire elected Cabinet ministers, including the Chief Minister and MLAs, signed a pledge under the command of a terrorist outfit to do or die for the protection of the Meitei people, the majority community of the State who predominantly rule Manipur. This a glaring example of how militant groups command society and the government in the Northeast. Despite a ceasefire accord and later a framework agreement signed with the largest and oldest insurgency group of the Northeast — the Naga Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) — by the government, the outfit is running a parallel government in the region with the connivance of the power.
Flawed Approach
The Centre has two different approaches to the insurgency in the Northeast and the Maoist insurgency, predominant in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, part of West Bengal and other areas. Neither Amit Shah nor any other leader of the ruling party has ever set a deadline to wipe out the insurgency in the Northeast. There are many instances of politicians using insurgent groups to fulfil their political ambitions, especially at the time of elections.
A study, ‘Social, economic and political dynamics in extremist affected areas: executive summary study’ commissioned by the Bureau of Police Research and Development, Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi, and executed by the Centre for Development and Peace Studies, observed: “Political patronage received by the extremists was described as a crucial reason behind the persistence of extremism. The literature survey indicated a nexus between the politicians and extremists of the region. The survey also corroborated the same notion. The majority of the respondents (Common People — 75.6%, Professionals — 71.6%) believed that there exists a nexus between the politicians and militants. Respondents said that extremists remain an effective tool for garnering political support, especially during elections.”
In the case of Maoist insurgency, apparently there is no such nexus between the insurgents and the politicians, though there are some allegations against a section of Maoists for helping selective politicians during election time. Although there are some common causes of insurgency like underdevelopment, unemployment and exploitation in all the insurgency affected regions of the country, the Northeast, J&K and other Left Wing Extremists-dominated central Indian regions, the main causes of the extremism are distinctively different from region to region. Even causes of insurgency in different States of the Northeast are also different.
Political patronage received by extremists is a crucial reason behind the persistence of extremism, according to a study commissioned by Ministry of Home Affairs
The Left Wing Extremism affecting the central region of India, however, is more challenging as it is spread over more than five populous States — Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Odisha, and parts of West Bengal. Northeast and J&K represent a mere 1 per cent and 3.8 per cent of India’s population respectively. In terms of the geographical spread, J&K and Northeast represent 6.76 per cent and 7.9 per cent of the country’s total area, respectively. One, therefore, can imagine the magnitude of the Left Wing Extremism in the country.
Backwardness, lack of communications, healthcare and education coupled with abject poverty and exploitation in Maoist-affected regions are also equally much bigger than any other insurgency affected area of the country. Maoist insurgency is increasing at a faster pace in comparison to the insurgency in the Northeast, J&K, Punjab, etc. Extremist influence which was visible in only over 50-odd districts in 2001, over the next decade expanded to over 223 districts. Improper diagnosis and wrong treatment to cure Maoist terrorism are the main causes of such expansion.
Northeast Vs Maoist
The abovementioned study observed that the naxalites do not represent the interests and aspirations of the civilian population, though the percentage of common people who believed that the naxalites still represent the interests and aspirations of the people was higher in some States. The study also observed that the image and ideology of the naxalites, however, continue to be somewhat positive compared to terrorists. A large section of respondents opined that the naxalites cannot be construed as terrorists.
The study further says that since the naxalites do not pursue a secessionist goal and do not act as vehicles for external powers’ agenda, even New Delhi refrains from equating them with terrorists. Another important observation of the study is that the majority of the respondents (Common People — 77.3%, Professionals — 66%) feel that the orchestration of violence by naxalite groups is largely a result of the ineffectiveness of peaceful methods of protest.
The approach of the different governments towards the Left Wing insurgency and insurgency in J&K and the Northeast is also different. While the governments of the day signed a volley of peace accords with numerous insurgent groups in different States of the Northeast in quick succession, no such initiatives were seen in the case of Maoist extremism except in some stray dialogues.
For example, in Assam five peace accords were signed by the State government with various extremist organisations during the BJP rule in State — ABSU-NDFB Accord (2020), Karbi Peace Accord (2021), Dimasa Peace Accord (2023) and UFLA Peace Accord (2023). The government offered packages of rehabilitation and development. However, it has failed to fulfil those promises. The much-publicised Naga Framework Agreement, details of which are yet to be made public, by the Modi government with the NSCN (I-M) is also facing the same fate.
(The author is a senior journalist from Assam)