By PV Ramana Naxalites of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) [CPI (Maoist)], Maoists in short, commemorate International Women’s Day on March 8. They also observe a few other commemorative days/weeks –– International Lenin Day (April 22; Lenin’s birthday); Martyr’s Memorial Week (July 28-August 3, marking the death of Charu Mazumdar); Formation Day (September 21) […]
By PV Ramana
Naxalites of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) [CPI (Maoist)], Maoists in short, commemorate International Women’s Day on March 8. They also observe a few other commemorative days/weeks –– International Lenin Day (April 22; Lenin’s birthday); Martyr’s Memorial Week (July 28-August 3, marking the death of Charu Mazumdar); Formation Day (September 21) and PLGA Formation Week (December 2-8)
Women are integral to the Maoist movement. As a senior Indian Police Service officer told this researcher in January, at least 30% of the armed, underground cadre consists of women. In a document released in 2001, Maoists claimed that 40% of the cadre were women.
Few Marks
They further averred that they have not been able to groom women to undertake leadership roles. At best, they have risen to head squads and district committees. A handful of them have been inducted into State/Special Zone committees, while there are two lone instances of women being a member of the apex and all-powerful Central Committee. Anuradha Gandhy @ Sangeetha, a sociology Professor at Nagpur University who died of cerebral haemorrhage, was one; she was the wife of Kobad Ghandy @ Rajan, himself a Central Committee member. Currently, Sheela Marandi is the lone woman Central Committee member; but she was arrested on November 11, 2021.
As one senior Maoist leader explained the reasons behind women not being able to rise higher in the hierarchy: “Women are physically less robust than their male colleagues; they are low in confidence, and are not sure if they would be able to discharge their roles efficiently and effectively. The higher leaders themselves have a tendency to doubt their capabilities and look down upon them. Further, orders of women commanders are not as diligently followed as those of male commanders.”
To quote from an internal document of the CPI (Maoist): “Our work in the women’s front is still far from satisfactory. Recruitment in many States is poor, selection-gradation-promotion of the women cadres is still not according to a systematic plan and our efforts are inadequate given the immense potential and the necessity of building the women’s movement and recruiting cadres and promoting leadership from the women. The trend of patriarchy is acting as a strong deterrent to our efforts in this regard.”
Long Association
The association of women with the armed Communist movement dates back to the Telangana Armed Struggle of 1946-51 when women, especially from the middle class, were involved in non-combatant roles such as maintaining dumps, managing safe houses to facilitate secret meetings and transporting weapons. Thereafter, their role transformed and they were involved in the combatant role by fielding weapons and engaging the security forces in gun battles.
Though they were enrolled into various front organisations, they did not have an organisation exclusively comprising women. At that time, there was intense debate within the Maoist leadership on whether a separate organisation was needed. Especially, the involvement of women in large numbers in Dandakaranya persuaded the Maoist leadership to form the Dandakaranya Adivasi Mahila Sangh. The conscious efforts of the Maoist organisation in Dandakaranya to put an end to various forms of patriarchy helped women join the underground or mass organisations in large numbers. The Maoists had largely succeeded in putting an end to ‘forced marriages’ and marriage among cousins.
There is no one particular reason for women joining the Maoist ranks. Some joined the underground due to desperation. Exploitation at the hands of the high and powerful in the village is another reason. Some just followed their husband, father, brother or uncle. Peculiar as it may sound, as one surrendered woman cadre said, “I was born in the party”. Her parents met in the underground and got married. Some years later, she was born. She was educated in schools run by the Social Welfare Department of the government and would visit her parents during vacations. Eventually, she, too, joined the underground.
An oft-cited reason is that being at an impressionable age they have been carried away by the exhortations of visiting squads through their speeches and the revolutionary songs rendered by cultural troupes. “I was motivated by the fiery, inspiring songs a visiting Maoist squad sang in my village” Saritha, a bubbling, extrovert teenager and a stickler to propriety, told this researcher in 2002. She is one illustration of ‘impressionable minds being carried away’ by the Maoist propaganda machine.
No Special Concession
Women have no special concession in the underground. Just as their male colleagues, they follow the same rigour –– attending training camps (political and military) and engaging the security forces in gun battles. Some of them also undergo training to function as ‘doctors’. Nevertheless, according to a senior police officer, “In many cases women are the first to succumb in direct clashes during an exchange of fire with the security forces”.
It is not uncommon to find couples among Maoist ranks. In the early years of the Maoist movement, the organisation took the initiative and organised marriages within the fold. According to a retired Superintendent of Police, “Good looking women cadres are married off to senior Maoist leaders”. He added, “One can witness rise within the Maoist hierarchy of such women cadre who marry leaders”. Of course, cupid can strike any couple, irrespective of their standing (rank) within the underground. But, in a large number of cases, the husband holds a higher rank than the wife.
However, after getting married, women wish to lead a peaceful, settled life. As one senior IPS officer said, “women are sentimental fools”. They persuade their husband to leave the underground and join the mainstream. But, life after surrender is not easy because of poor health due to a tough underground life and financial constraints. Nevertheless, “in the male-dominated remote and interior rural areas, a surrendering woman naxalite is comparatively a stronger woman”.
The rehabilitation package promised by the government is rather slow in being delivered. Civil bureaucracy is lax and this causes frustration among those surrendering. The enterprising among them lead a relatively comfortable life. Also, the determined have reared their children well. At the same time, all of them expect greater support from the government to have a better standard of living.
The government should encourage surrenders and effectively implement the rehabilitation package to provide succour to those who choose to join the mainstream.
The author is an independent policy analyst.
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