Editorial: A case for caste census

Without reliable data, no welfare programme can be effective, however lofty its objectives may be. While the aim of any affirmative action programme is to reduce the socio-economic inequalities and lift the disadvantaged sections out of poverty and deprivation, the key ingredient in this task is the data that is accurate, reliable and reflective of […]

Without reliable data, no welfare programme can be effective, however lofty its objectives may be. While the aim of any affirmative action programme is to reduce the socio-economic inequalities and lift the disadvantaged sections out of poverty and deprivation, the key ingredient in this task is the data that is accurate, reliable and reflective of the ground realities. In effect, data drives any social policy. In this context, there is a strong case for conducting a national caste census to identify socially, economically and educationally backward communities, and increase reservations proportionate to their population. The Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) has rightly highlighted the issue in Parliament and reminded the NDA government of its unfulfilled promise in this regard. The Telangana government has been at the forefront of espousing this cause and had already got the Assembly pass a resolution, urging the Centre to include the caste-based enumeration in the census work. However, it is baffling that the union government had, in its submission before the Supreme Court last September, had opposed caste-based census, saying the exercise was administratively difficult and cumbersome. One could argue that caste-based counting of the population might sound incongruent when the collective goal of the governments is to usher in a casteless society. However, given the harsh social realities, it would be prudent to have robust caste data as it will be useful to establish statistical justification for preserving affirmative action programmes. It is also a legal imperative because the courts want quantifiable data to support the existing levels of reservations in educational institutions and jobs.

It is essential to ensure social justice as envisioned by the architect of the Constitution Dr BR Ambedkar. Even a cursory glance at the employees data reveals that the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) account for less than 10% of the total number of government employees in the country. If the caste census was carried out with sincerity and transparency, it would have helped the successive governments take up recruitment accordingly and ensure social justice for all. In fact, it is surprising that a nation which runs such a large affirmative action programme based on caste has not been collecting data on the educational and economic profile of castes. The quota policy must reflect the socio-economic realities on the ground. There is now a mismatch between the share of Scheduled Castes in the total population and the quota being extended to them. There is a need to increase the reservations for the SC communities from the existing 15%. For instance, in several Telangana districts, they account for more than 20% of the population but are getting only 15% reservations as prescribed by the Centre. Any reservation must be based on verifiable empirical evidence. There can be no better way of providing such evidence than submitting the caste census data.

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